There is a long report in The Detroit Free Press here on the political-economic vicissitudes of the Detroit Institute of the Arts. More generally, The Free Press also ran this extended, eye-opening report on the course of Detroit's political and economic disaster.
Benjamin Sachs (Harvard Law) sketched a new model for union organizing here in The New York Times last week.
In this OpEd at The Los Angeles Times Rebecca Solnit urges us to take the long view on Occupy and its legacy. (A longer version of the essay is here.) And at The Nation Allison Kilkenny offers this lament on where the dissipated movement currently stands.
Economist Dani Rodrik here on the troubles religion poses to Turkish democracy.
Political Scientist Ian Lustick in The New York Times here yesterday on the impossibility of a two state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Added a bit later: I meant to include a link to this report from The Brooking Institution - "The Algebra Imperative" - that underscores the work of Bob Moses and his Algebra Project in preparing students for math literacy and, thereby full political and economic citizenship.
Monday, September 16, 2013
Saturday, September 14, 2013
Leszek Kolakowski
On a couple of occasions I've posted here about Leszek Kolakowski, a Polish intellectual who died several years ago, and whom I had the great good fortune of having as a teacher during graduate school. This week at The Nation you can find this long, appropriately critical if largely sympathetic, review essay on some of his posthumously published works.
Talking to Labor Unions
Wednesday, September 11, 2013
Habermas Takes a Very Dim View of Merkel
Jurgen Habermas has offered a pungent assessment of the Merkel government here at Spiegel Online International: "Europe is in a state of emergency, and the political power goes to whoever decides on the admission or licensing of topics to be discussed by the public. Germany isn't dancing. It's dozing on a volcano."
Julio Etchart
Relatives of disappeared political prisoners demand justice at rallies in 1985.
Santiago, Chile. Photograph © Julio Etchart.
Santiago, Chile. Photograph © Julio Etchart.
I am not in London. But if I were, I'd hunt down this exhibition of work by photo journalist Julio Etchart - images documenting Chile after the 1973 coup that made the country safe for capitalism and dictatorship. It runs through 9/20.
Tuesday, September 10, 2013
Inequality in the US - Party Like It's 1928!
Just in case you figured the political economic situation here in the U.S.A. is improving or might in the medium-to-long run, have a look at this news report.
More here at The New York Times.
And there is an interesting discussion of issues and remedies here at The Times too.
And, for those who think 'so what?' and shrug, Joseph Stiglitz offers some reasons here.
Krugman blog: here.
More here at The New York Times.
And there is an interesting discussion of issues and remedies here at The Times too.
And, for those who think 'so what?' and shrug, Joseph Stiglitz offers some reasons here.
Krugman blog: here.
Monday, September 9, 2013
Michel Foucault Meets Gary King (with Big Data and Statistics) in China
In his work Discipline & Punish, Michel Foucault details the historical emergence and ongoing operation of what he calls disciplinary power. Such power works via surveillance and monitoring, and ultimately, by recruiting agents to perform such functions for and on themselves. In particular it operates by disrupting horizontal, reciprocal communication and sustaining hierarchical, fragmented communications.
As it emerged, Foucault suggests, such discipline faced a difficult task. On his account it must:
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* Indeed, the experimental portion of this research suggests that King and his co-authors anticipated the possibility that many Chinese citizens have indeed begun to monitor themselves and not even post potentially problematic items on social media.
P.S.: For my own views on Foucault see - "Communication, Criticism & the Postmodern Consensus," Political Theory (1997).
As it emerged, Foucault suggests, such discipline faced a difficult task. On his account it must:
master all the forces that are formed from the very constitution of an organized multiplicity; it must neutralize the effects of counter-power that spring from them and which form a resistance to the power that wishes to dominate it: agitations, revolts, spontaneous organizations, coalitions-anything that may establish horizontal conjunctions. Hence the fact that the disciplines use procedures of partitioning and verticality, that they introduce, between the different elements at the same level, as solid separations as possible, that they define compact hierarchal networks, in short that they oppose to the intrinsic, adverse force of multiplicity the technique of a continuous, individualizing pyramid (Discipline & Punish, 219-20).This morning NPR ran this story on (statistical) research by political scientist Gary King regarding the operation of censorship in China. Now I've not read the actual papers. But here is what the NPR report claims:
King has just completed two studies that peer into the Chinese censorship machine — including a field experiment within China that was conducted with extraordinary secrecy. Together, the studies refute popular intuitions about what Chinese censors are after.
The censors actually permit "vitriolic criticism" of China's leaders and governmental policies, King and his colleagues — Jennifer Pan and Margaret Roberts — found. But the censors crack down heavily on any move to get people physically mobilized to act on such criticism.
"What they're after is any attempt to move people," King says. "Any attempt to [motivate] collective action."This sounds like a partial confirmation of a Foucauldian view of power.* The censors monitor and and disrupt communications precisely in order to preempt "horizontal conjunctions" that might sustain coordinated resistance to the regime.
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* Indeed, the experimental portion of this research suggests that King and his co-authors anticipated the possibility that many Chinese citizens have indeed begun to monitor themselves and not even post potentially problematic items on social media.
P.S.: For my own views on Foucault see - "Communication, Criticism & the Postmodern Consensus," Political Theory (1997).
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